When the definition of sexual material was expanded in the same way as for the authors' earlier study, 47 percent of games contained sexual content. Other researchers have also found that women are scantily clad in video games, with one estimate suggesting that 28 percent of games contain depictions of women as sex objects. Typically, women are wearing tank tops, halter tops, or bathing suits in these portrayals. When youth play games online, many interact with other players, sending instant messages or using voice-over-Internet protocols that allow them to meet others and socialize as they play.
However, it is unclear whether online gaming might influence sexual attitudes or behavior. To do so, it would need to involve sexual content either in the games or in exchanges with other players. We did not identify any published studies addressing issues of sexual content in online games or in online gamers' interactions, nor did we uncover studies that identified sexual attitudes or behaviors as correlates of using those games. There is very little research evidence regarding the unintended effects of new media on sexual health, and more is clearly needed.
The most thoroughly studied area is Internet pornography. Research in this area indicates that intentional exposure to such depictions may influence adolescent attitudes, promoting more recreational attitudes toward sex. But the research evidence has so far come from only one lab, and no longitudinal studies of U. There are also no longitudinal studies of sexual behavior or sexual risk-taking subsequent to viewing pornography on the Internet. What indirect evidence there is regarding the prevalence of exposure among youth and the cross-sectional correlates indicates that this topic is worthy of further study, as there may well be negative effects on sexual health.
The other area in which there has been considerable research is that of sexual solicitation via the Internet. Here, the research has focused primarily on the issue of whether youth who use a variety of online media might become victims of adult sexual predators. The conclusion is that this is unlikely. Indeed, most of these solicitations come from same-age peers who are known offline. But there may be other negative effects of both receiving and generating these solicitations. Their presence may create a more sexualized, and perhaps a more sexually harassing, environment that affects those exposed, directly or as bystanders.
Here, again, such solicitation appears common enough that it may be worth pursuing additional research. A key issue in such research would be to separate the processes of selection and influence. The fact that youth who report receiving solicitations are likely to be involved in online harassment as victims or as perpetrators, and are often victims of child abuse, suggests a strong potentially biasing factor in understanding and estimating the effects of any exposure. Similarly, the sending or receipt of sexual messages or text via cell phone or email does not appear to pose a direct threat to youth.
But, like sexual solicitations more generally, it may contribute to a sexualized environment that affects normative perceptions. Longitudinal survey studies testing for relationships between exposure to or participation in sexting and changes in sexual attitudes, norms, and behavior among youth are needed. Apart from issues of changes in sexual attitudes or behavior, it is also important to keep in mind that the creation of digital content, particularly nude or provocative photos of oneself, may pose other risks.
Such content may be passed on to other teens, causing embarrassment at best and psychological distress at worst, or cached on websites where future employers, colleges, and others may find them. While it is the subject of much speculation, there are no studies so far that test for links between sexting and these important social and mental health outcomes. Results suggest that there is a substantial amount of sexual content in teen chat rooms, both constructed by teens names, utterances and present for teen users to be exposed to as observers.
It is also clear that the majority of users do not create such content, though the number of those who do is not insubstantial. A useful next step would be to study the evolution of users over time to understand to what extent those who are not generating sexual posts initially come to do so later, and to what extent users continue with or leave these sites as they are exposed to or participate in the creation of sexual messages. Because chat rooms are not particularly popular with teens, it may be wise to focus such efforts on Internet sites and activities that resemble chats but have not yet received much study, such as discussions among participants in online video games, posted comments on YouTube, and comments on social networking sites.
Selection versus influence is also an important issue in understanding any effects of visiting social networking sites. The data reviewed above indicate that sexual references are common on public pages. An adolescent who browses profiles on MySpace or YouTube is likely to encounter sexual references or pictures in anywhere from 15 to 24 percent of profiles.
It is unknown, and perhaps undeterminable, what percentage of private profiles contain sexual references. But it is reasonable to believe that youth who use these sites encounter sexual messages suggesting that casual sex is normative and reflect a preoccupation with sexuality. Nonetheless, most youth who visit these sites do so to check in with people they already know, at least indirectly, and so they may encounter messages that simply support what they were already hearing from offline peers. The Moreno study 88 showing homophily in the sexual references that appear on friends' profiles indicates as much.
Analyses that look at the evolution of sexual information in profiles over time, within online networks, might help to separate selection and influence processes and determine the extent to which online interaction alters young people's developing sexual attitudes and behaviors. Even if such work suggests that there may be online network influences on teens' behavior, in order to fully understand them, it will be important to try to estimate the magnitude of these associations relative to offline processes of peer influence. Because the Internet is a mass medium, selection processes might be exaggerated over those offline.
Thus, we might see a greater tendency for similar people to associate than would be observed offline. For the same reason, influence processes may be greater: Unusual beliefs that would otherwise fail to find validation in everyday life may be normalized when other persons are encountered who share these beliefs. The Internet may create the illusion of consensus because someone can be found to support one's ideas, even when the number of such people is actually quite small. But it is also possible that association patterns will be no different from those observed in offline networks, or when they do differ, may have a smaller influence on those who participate.
The apparent distancing of oneself that has been conjectured to lead to sexualized and calloused online interactions may also buffer people from the effects of online interactions.
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Estimates regarding the amount of sexual content in video games indicate high levels, with percent of games containing explicitly sexual language or pictures and percent containing sexualized images of women. Given the large number of studies that have looked at violent content in these games and its possible effects, it would seem appropriate and fairly straightforward to conduct analogous work regarding sexual content in games. It may be that this content, because it appears to be less integral to game play than violence, is not particularly likely to influence teens.
However, because youth are currently spending more time with this activity than with any other except listening to music and watching television, an understanding of effects on sexual attitudes and associations with subsequent behavior should be a priority. Glaringly absent from the research literature, given its popularity with youth, are studies of YouTube or other online video sites. Visits to YouTube are among the top three online activities identified by the Kaiser Family Foundation, and while we uncovered no relevant content analyses, a quick search of the website youtube.
YouTube allows the creation of personal profiles and networks of friends, as well as the posting of comments about each video.
Sexual Victimization by Women Is More Common Than Previously Known
Thus, it also affords many of the same opportunities for social influence and sexual involvement provided by more general social networking sites. Among the gaps we have identified, this is perhaps the one that needs to be filled most urgently. Research addressing a variety of issues related to new media is sorely needed in order to understand whether their use contributes to the sexual socialization and sexual behavior of U. Digital media interventions involve the use of computers, the Internet, cell phones, and video games to try to improve sexual health or reduce risky sexual behavior.
Given their reach and the level of youth involvement, digital media have tremendous capacity to reduce sexual risk-taking. Other advantages of cell phone and Internet interventions include the ability to reach populations isolated by rural location, lack of transportation, or stigma. For teens who may fear being seen entering an intervention facility or who may have to account for their whereabouts during free time, an intervention that can be accessed in a private area at home, at school, in a library, or on a bus may afford both access and privacy.
Noar and colleagues have discussed some additional advantages, including the inherent scalability of the intervention i. It is also possible to eliminate or greatly reduce the training of facilitators and ensure fidelity through the use of standardized materials. Perhaps the greatest advantage in terms of potential program efficacy is that digital interfaces allow individualized and interactive intervention.
In the past, video or print materials were largely limited to use in didactic programs, but cell phone and Internet-based intervention make it possible to create multiple pathways through such materials in response to participants' individual inputs. For example, this could be achieved by exposing boys and girls to different information based on their reported gender, or providing information about condom use to sexually active youth and information about abstinence to those who have never had sex.
Increasing evidence suggests that tailored interventions are more effective in changing behavior and that discussion leads to greater change than didactic intervention. Digital formats can also lend themselves to simplified evaluation, automatically or very easily collecting data from participants see Pequegnat et al.
There may also, however, be some downsides to digital intervention. It is possible that youth pay less attention to material when it is presented online or on a cell phone, since there is sometimes no teacher or group facilitator present to keep them on task. Users might also skip through the material or miss entire modules of a program, likely reducing effectiveness.
We encountered no data on fidelity of delivery and use of new media interventions; collecting such information should be part of future intervention evaluations just as it is in offline research. Many organizations promoting sexual health appear to be taking advantage of youths' online participation. We reviewed the published literature on the development and evaluation of sexual risk interventions and also attempted to identify promising programs that have not yet been subject to evaluation.
Table 2 provides an overview of studies that have been evaluated. Following the table, we describe what we found in detail. Two studies have examined text messaging as a method of reaching youth with sexual health information. Such studies of "reach" look at how many individuals receive a message and often consider who is reached and the barriers and facilitators of message receipt rather than message effects on beliefs, attitudes, or behavior.
Cornelius and St. Lawrence conducted a qualitative exploration of the feasibility of using text messaging among African-American adolescents to supplement the Becoming a Responsible Teen BART intervention. BART appears on the U. The study included two focus groups with a total of 14 participants, aged years, and a small survey of the same group. Participants were enthusiastic about using text messages to supplement an existing HIV prevention curriculum the existing curriculum involved multiple in-person group sessions designed to build skills and knowledge.
The authors noted that the use of such messages as a booster post-intervention may help to prolong curriculum effects, which typically diminish over time. The optimal number of messages per day ranged from one to three, with participants perceiving more messages as desensitizing recipients to the information they contain. Other potential issues noted included the best time of day for receiving messages, how to pay the costs of a messaging plan without creating abuse of the service for personal messages, and what to do about phones lost or damaged by participants the study was considering providing these phones.
Because the original HIV prevention curriculum involved participants in creating the intervention and emphasized communication skills, the focus groups were asked about creating as well as receiving messages, a procedure that would take advantage of the interactive nature of digital media in attempting to change sexual risk behavior. Participants were also excited about the possibility of designing and sending text messages themselves. They suggested formats for adapting the curriculum to text messaging, including sending a fact-based message to intervention participants as a multiple-choice or true-false question that could be responded to with a return text indicating "A," "B," or "C," or "T" or "F," for example.
It was emphasized that messages and responses should be quick and simple. The San Francisco Department of Public Health has implemented a text messaging intervention for African-American youth, based on a program developed in London. This links them to a menu of options, asking them to, for example, text "B2 if u think ur pregnant," and responds with basic information and referrals for diagnosis or other consultation.
Responses were no more than characters in length and developed by health educators in conjunction with focus group participants. The messaging service is supplemented by a website that shows examples of these messages.
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The program was promoted with posters, street marketing, and banner ads on Yahoo! As reported by Levine and colleagues, the messaging service received 4, texts in its first 25 weeks. Surveys of two convenience samples of youth suggested that it reached the target demographic of African-American youth. Of those who remembered seeing ads for the service, "nearly 10 percent" reported that they had used it. The surveys also found that those with less expensive cell phone providers were more likely to report awareness of the SEXINFO program, and those who remembered seeing ads for the service stated that the use of text messaging caught their attention.
It is important to note that the focus groups used to develop the SEXINFO cell phone intervention felt that it was important for users to initiate the messaging themselves, not the intervention provider. It is not possible for those who use such services to be fully anonymous, since their phone numbers are accessible to the intervention providers. Many users may be unaware of this when they decide to use the service. The service provides weekly sexual health messages. Users can get further information in two ways, noted in each weekly text.
They can get the same referrals and additional sexual health information by visiting a website. After nine months, 2, subscriptions had been received from across the state, and 33 percent of users had obtained clinic referrals via text message. But it is unknown whether subscribers are in the target age range or at high risk of STIs; some subscribers might even be sexual health professionals interested in trying the program rather than using its services.
Another text messaging intervention that has yet to be fully evaluated used cell phones as a method of communicating STI test results to youth tested in Washington, DC, high schools. Youth who opted in to the text message system received a text notifying them when their results were available.
All participants were able to call a toll-free number to receive results, counseling, and referrals, as appropriate. A series of three studies involving a total of nearly 8, youth and 33 schools was conducted. Results appear promising. Across venues, percent of those attending the informational session provided a urine specimen, and an STI was detected among percent of these.
Follow-up confirmed that treatment was received by percent of those who tested positive. However, a full write-up of these results has yet to be completed, and findings have not undergone peer review to date. A third study did not look specifically at cell phones but was conducted with potential cell phone applications in mind. It examined the use of a handheld computer with a four-inch screen to deliver a video soap opera intended to influence cognition and behavior related to sexual risk for HIV. The intervention video, the minute A Story About Toni, Mike, and Valerie , was designed to challenge "internal sexual scripts" that suggest that women use sex as a way of winning and holding onto men, and unprotected sex as particularly serving that function.
To this end, the actors revisited scenes and discussed different reactions through which the female character might have asserted power e. The study found that viewers were less likely to complete a second unfinished story in a manner consistent with stereotypical gender roles e. This suggests their "internal sexual scripts" ideas about where and when certain kinds of sexual behavior are appropriate were less linked to unprotected sex.
The authors point to the adaptability of such an intervention to the streaming of video to smartphones, and thus the potential opportunity to deliver entertainment with embedded sexual health messages to youth. Freimuth and colleagues explored viral dissemination of a video designed to promote HIV testing among young men. This not-yet-published study highlights some of the difficulties of studying this phenomenon using controlled research protocols. Video was sent to participants' cell phones all participants were screened to ensure that their phones had this capability.
After viewing the video and answering a few questions, participants then sent the video to the phones of two additional individuals, whose contact information was provided to researchers for follow-up. The study found that only 15 percent of those who were sent the video by "seed" participants recalled receiving it, and a much smaller percentage reported that they passed it on to an additional contact for viewing.
It is unknown whether the low rate of dissemination was an artifact of the appeal of the particular video studied, the fact that the video was about HIV testing i. Individuals could participate in the intervention without using text messaging or even a cell phone. However, 43 percent of participants in one of the studies opted into the text message notification that results were ready this was not reported for the other two studies.
Anecdotally, the program staff believes that cell phones and the availability of texting increased participation and were preferred communication modes for many youth. However, in the long run, as the novelty of text messaging and cell phones wears off, unless programs make use of the mobility feature that is unique to cell phones e. In spite of their popularity with youth and great potential to harness social influence processes among interconnected peers, we encountered only one evaluation of an online intervention involving social networking sites. In an adjunct to their study of the risk behaviors displayed by young adults with profiles on MySpace, Moreno and colleagues sent an email from "Dr Meg," to users who made three or more references to sexual behaviors or substance use in their profiles.
Recipients of the email were a randomly selected subgroup of this population, with the remainder serving as controls. The email warned that there might be risks to disclosing information about sex and substance use in one's online profile and encouraged the recipient to consider revising his or her information.
At follow-up, Reductions in the control group were 5. In addition, there was a trend for the intervention group to reset their profiles to private Although changes were small and not statistically significant, the study shows the feasibility and potential effectiveness of a simple intervention using social networking sites. Other computer-based interventions have used more traditional approaches, taking advantage of computer or Internet platforms to varying degrees. It's Your Game: Keep it Real is a middle school sexual health program that includes computer components along with a more traditional classroom intervention: a virtual world interface, educational activities such as quizzes and fact sheets, and teen serials that allow real-time classroom discussion.
The intervention was tested in schools in Southeast Texas with a predominantly African-American and Hispanic, low-income, urban student population. The program consists of 12 seventh-grade and 12 eighth-grade lessons.
Effectiveness was compared to treatment-as-usual health classes. Approximately one in three students in the comparison condition initiated sex by ninth-grade follow-up, compared with about one in four youth in the intervention group. After adjusting for covariates, students in the comparison condition were 1. Detailed analyses indicated there were differences in initiation of vaginal, anal, and oral sex in a variety of subgroups. Program effects on initiation of vaginal intercourse were comparable in size to other effective interventions.
The intervention also produced shifts in attitudes, self-efficacy, and knowledge at eighth-grade follow-up, some of which were sustained to grade 9. Conclusions are limited by the study's failure to follow program and comparison group dropouts; program effectiveness may be specific to those who are willing to remain in the study.
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However, the researchers found no evidence that dropouts tended to be higher-risk youth. A key limitation for the purposes of this review is that program components were not isolated in the study design. Thus, it cannot be determined whether the computer components of the study are effective on their own, or even whether they add to the effectiveness of the rest of the curriculum. Two other interventions have also produced changes in adolescent sexual risk. The positive consequences of condom use and modeling of safe behavior were repeatedly shown in the intervention, and viewers were asked to cognitively rehearse practice in their heads what they would say or do in the situation.
The video incorporated specific choice points and behavioral alternatives, with selections determining the remainder of the storyline i. Users were also allowed to select the particular sections of the video program that they were most interested in using. Because many did skip sections, the one-hour video typically took less than that time to complete. Boosters were delivered at one, three, and six months.
Participants in the evaluation of "What Could You Do? Those in the intervention were compared to two randomized controls, girls who received the same content in book form and girls who received preexisting high-quality sexual health informational brochures. Greater abstinence and reduced condom failure were observed at three-month follow-up, and there were fewer self-reported diagnoses with an STI at six months among video participants when compared to controls.
Lightfoot and colleagues also compared the efficacy of a computer-based intervention to the same information delivered in person in a small-group setting , as well as to a no-exposure control. The program evaluated was Project LIGHT, an intervention with previously established efficacy in increasing adolescent condom use. Adolescents aged attending alternative schools participated, and all three groups were assessed at baseline and three months. Results showed a reduction in rates of self-reported sexual activity among computer-based participants versus those participating in small groups, and both of these groups had fewer self-reported sex partners compared to the controls.
This is the only intervention we encountered that looked at behavioral outcomes and compared a computer-based intervention to an efficacious "in-person" delivery of the same program. The lead author confirms that assignment to condition was at the school level Lightfoot, personal communication, July 10, , making it difficult to be certain that effects were due to the intervention and not another factor that varied across schools.
Another unnamed intervention that has been evaluated is an online seven-week intervention consisting of six activities or modules. Each module was posted online for one week, and all were posted during the final "make-up" week. Activities included completing surveys and quizzes and receiving feedback, going on a "virtual date," and competing in a "delaying tactics" contest to generate strategies for waiting to have sex. Each session took about 15 minutes to complete. Among the ninth-grade adolescents who participated, the program successfully increased sexual knowledge, condom use self-efficacy, and perceived susceptibility to HIV while creating more positive attitudes toward waiting to have sex, relative to changes observed in a control group.
College-age youth have also been targeted with online interventions. YouthNet recruited to year-olds through banner ads or direct website access i. Although participants were asked for extensive identifying information, 20 percent of participants enrolling online were removed based on excessive inconsistencies in responses or duplicate enrollments, indicating the potential problems in enrolling a sample via the Internet. The remaining baseline sample included 2, individuals. A second sample participated at clinics using a computer kiosk. A smaller number 11 percent of these individuals were dropped due to data inconsistencies, leaving a sample of 1, The theory-based intervention addressed constructs such as attitudes, norms, and self-efficacy via five role-model stories delivered in a single Internet session.
Each story involved a picture of an individual accompanied by music and voiceover telling a story lasting seconds. Controls viewed online text containing standard HIV-prevention information. After one month, both groups were asked to log on to the site and view the materials a second time as a booster. Follow-up occurred at two months for the Internet sample and three months for the clinic sample. No effects were found in the clinic sample. Among participants recruited online, effects were very modest: Small shifts in norms promoting condom use were observed, and these shifts predicted more frequent use of condoms.
In a randomized controlled trial, college students used the AIDS Interactive educational program, heard an educational lecture on HIV prevention, or were unexposed to either intervention. AIDS Interactive participants had greater HIV knowledge and greater intentions to practice safe sex following participation, compared to the other two groups.
Control participants received a nutrition intervention. In addition to increased HIV knowledge, those who participated in the sexual risk behavior intervention were also more likely to report having condoms available and to increase their use of condoms. In a meta-analysis including a large subset of these studies, along with some additional computerized interventions for men who have sex with men or for adults, Noar and colleagues concluded that computer-based HIV-prevention interventions are effective and "have similar efficacy to more traditional human-delivered interventions.
Noar and colleagues compare this to results from a prior meta-analysis of in-person HIV-prevention interventions that estimated average odds ratios of 1. However, fine-tuning our knowledge of the key elements of computerized and online intervention is clearly warranted. Noar and colleagues found that a few factors moderated program effects. Stronger effects were observed among programs individually tailored to participants and those with more sessions. There were also nonsignificant trends suggesting that the interventions were more effective among youth, men who have sex with men versus heterosexuals as a group , women, and whites.
Other unstudied factors that are probably important to efficacy also take advantage of the unique characteristics of computerized platforms and should be evaluated, including how interactive a program is, whether it uses multiple media within the computer platform e. Such factors could be varied within studies as part of a randomized trial, or once a sufficient number of studies have been conducted, they might be evaluated with further meta-analysis.
While they are not intervention programs per se , many nonprofits promoting sexual health have a presence online, including web pages and pages on social networking sites. To our knowledge, none of these have been evaluated to assess their impact on teen beliefs, behaviors, or outcomes. However, a few studies have evaluated the content of such pages in an effort to determine likely effects. Most of the sites 86 percent targeted teens and topics of avoiding STIs and, secondarily, pregnancy. Most presented the messages "use condoms" 95 percent and "be sexually abstinent" 67 percent.
Most sites took advantage of some of the interactive features that make Internet-based interventions a unique opportunity to engage youth online quizzes, changing homepages and about half 48 percent had message boards, but few used these fully. Only 15 percent had a click-through module, a feature that is likely to be particularly engaging and would allow tailoring of messages.
Sites seldom provided pages specific to sexual orientation, as the authors note, with most speaking only very generally about sexuality and risk. This is an important omission, given the same research lab's aforementioned meta-analysis of computer-based HIV-prevention interventions, which indicated advantages for tailored interventions. Some organizations have gone beyond a mere presence on the Internet to create online campaigns that involve teens in sexual health promotion. For example, the National Campaign to Prevent Teen and Unwanted Pregnancy the National Campaign has the Stay Teen Campaign, in which youth who view the website are encouraged to create their own sexual health video to enter into a contest.
Videos are posted to the National Campaign's website, thereby reaching other teens, as well as theoretically enhancing the efficacy of the teens creating them. ISIS , has an online contest for teens in which they are encouraged to create safe sex "slogans" to appear on underwear. These participatory elements may generate buy-in among the targeted audience; enhance feelings of self-efficacy; push peer norms toward acceptance of positive health behaviors, such as condom use, more readily; and take greater advantage of the Internet context and broad availability of digital technology.
It would be helpful to evaluate whether such elements do indeed increase the efficacy of sexual health websites in reducing adolescent risk. Through the online database NIH REPORT, Internet searches, snowballing, and personal contacts, we identified several interventions that are in progress and for which evaluations are planned or under way. In the appendix, we provide these as examples of what is being attempted and as a trail to studies that may be published shortly after we issue our review.
We identified nine interventions that have received a peer-reviewed evaluation involving a randomized control group. Of these, three found changes in sexual behavior, including lower rates of sexual initiation and higher rates of condom use. The remainder found changes in online behavior that may be risky or shifts in attitudes, knowledge, behavioral intentions, and norms. All but one of these fell into the "computer-based" category.
The other was a unique test of the use of handheld devices to deliver a video intervention, and it found positive shifts in gender stereotypes that might foster risky sex. The other intervention that had relatively strong evaluative information was a text messaging intervention that documented high rates of receiving texts requesting information.
These data suggest the potential for such efforts to be effective in reducing teens' sexual risk. Indeed, the Noar review of computer-based studies, while including many programs for populations other than youth, found strong evidence that these programs work, in general. And there was a suggestive trend indicating that they may work best among young people.
Nonetheless, more programs and evaluations are needed before conclusions can be reached. Certainly, many more interventions need to be developed that take advantage of the key areas of online media use among youth: social networking sites, video games, and video exchange sites like YouTube.
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Arrives by Thursday, Oct Pickup not available. Product Highlights The shame perpetuated by the purity movement fits well into this definition because it is very clearly based in fear. The literature is full of threats of what might happen to a woman and her relationships if she chooses to have sex before marriage. The movement instills them with the fear that if they have sex before marriage, they will be rejected by their future husband, their family, their community, and even their God. The irony of these fear tactics is that they enact the very thing they are claiming to prevent.
The fear of disconnection creates shame, and shame creates disconnection. Sellers says it well:. When people are filled with shame and self-loathing, their affected self-esteem takes precedence in interactions with others. In essence, sexuality encased in silence and shame keeps people from intimately knowing both God and each other, and cripples our ability as a community of believers to truly love and be a healing force in our hurting world. The shame that results from the messages of the purity movement creates in these women a sense of isolation and fear, which causes both sexual and emotional problems.
Additionally, shame is likely to inhibit another feeling, namely that of being loved. Thus, abuse is also likely to be deeply connected to intimacy dysfunction. Indeed, the issues I have raised about the purity movement are not simply a difference of theological opinion: the evidence shows that the purity movement is abusive and that its abuses have long-lasting effects. Much has been lost and there is much to grieve.
This series is a great place to start for anyone interested in feminist theology. Farley proposes a nuanced, justice-focused framework for understanding sexuality within the Christian tradition. This characterization by Sellers has profound implications. The effects of sexual abuse are myriad and not easily overcome.
They become more judgmental and more shame-filled. Her graduate work focused primarily on Christianity and sexuality, with a particular emphasis on women and LGBTQ persons. She is currently working toward a career as a writer and lecturer on women's sexuality within the church. This essay is neither for nor against Glenn Beck. The philosopher Michel Foucault warns us …. Search for:.
The students in her course write a sexual biography, and it was these biographies that prompted her to begin this research: One of the things I started noticing about ten years ago was that I was seeing more and more amounts of sexual shame, of religious sexual shame. As Freitas puts it, Many young evangelical men spoke.